Essay Example. The Politics of Corruption and Mismanagement

Published: 2024-01-14
Essay Example. The Politics of Corruption and Mismanagement
Essay type:  Persuasive essays
Categories:  Politics Law Government Money
Pages: 7
Wordcount: 1676 words
14 min read

Corruption is a matter of illegal or dishonest behavior, particularly by influential people, comprising the police or government officials. Corruption is best understood as the act of misusing public office for personal gain; it is an urgent matter in the US and all over the globe. The principal instances of acts of corruption are bribery, embezzlement, conspiracy, fraud, extortion, patronage, clientelism, nepotism, facilitation payments, and other inducements through unlawful acts. The list of different expressions and forms of corruption might be quite long since new, covert, and more sophisticated means keep rising. Corruption is the malignance of very many evils in society. It holds back productivity and destroys jobs, costing world economies. Corruption pushes the poor into more poverty as governments siphon money and limit hard-working individuals from enjoying the benefits of their sweat. It takes away necessary resources from hospitals and learning institutions since corrupt individuals evade paying the taxes. Corruption is characterized by lesser human capital, inefficient funds by firms, and greater income inequity. Besides, it is linked with low voter attendance and reduced trust and fulfillment with the governmental structures. The majority of the philosophies of democratic accountability anticipate voters to stop supporting corrupt politicians, although high election competition and corruption coincide in the majority of the nations.

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Understanding Corruption

Clientelism is seen as an aberration from virtuous democratic exercise in a number of areas (Robinson & Verdier, 2013). In today's democracy, citizens vote according to the promises made by politicians on matters of comprehensive public service. These choices ought to mirror overall views of what is desirable for democratic communities generally rather than what is noble only for the voter as an individual. Undeniably, voters in unconventional democracies vote based on their self-interests; programs targeted at a specific set of individuals are nevertheless justified based on the common good or wide-ranging conceptions of justice (Robinson & Verdier, 2013). Besides, targeted programs ought to impartially apply to individuals as well as broad classes of citizens. Benefits targeted on individuals are corrupt from a social justice perspective. In clientelistic organizations, redistributive programs aimed at helping the underprivileged, for instance, end up working for the good of only those who support specific politicians.

However, in a way, clientelism can be perceived as a primary method of democratic participation. In America and other nations, it was a manner of rallying underprivileged electors' and inspiring them to participate in democratic partisan schemes (Robinson & Verdier, 2013). It is atrocious when comparing it to strategic voting, yet gave a level of responsibility as much as the politician was still obliged to offer specific aids in exchange for political support.

West Africa's Ghana

Corruption is rampant in poor and developing countries (Banerjee et al., 2012). Ghana is among the most stable nations in West Africa since its shift to multi-party democracy in 1992 (Rahman, 2018). Fraud occurs in almost every branch of the Ghanaian regime, and their accountability in government resources often lacks. The perpetrators regularly relish on freedom. The most perceived corrupt sectors are the police and the judiciary. Ghana is also known for being a center point for shipping illicit drugs, mostly heroin from Pakistan and Afghanistan and cocaine from South Africa. According to research, Ghana loses more than US $3 billion yearly to corruption (Rahman, 2018).

Ghana's administration is perceived as incompetent, disorganized, and sifted with fraud indignities (Antwi et al., 2020). Existing reasons regarding why Ghanaian civil servants participate in fraudulent exercises focus on the various occasions to be crooked by virtue of restricted monitoring. Conversely, civil servants are believed to be provoked to rob state assets or the general population to get rich or deal with financial stressors from their relatives (Antwi, 2020).

Irrespective of the fact that wages are disbursed consistently, fraud continues to be a challenge in this nation. It is likewise hard to track down government workers ready to acknowledge a post in rural regions, an issue that continues to hinder regulatory viability. The authenticity of state authorities is frequently probed.

Regardless of corruption levels in Ghana being somehow under control compared to other African nations, it represents an obstruction for organizations working or intending to put resources into Ghana. Widespread corruption, frail laws, and a lowly managed property rights structure continue being the major hindrances to business certainty (Agbele, 2011). Low-level civil workers have been known to request tips as a trade-off for facilitating license applications. Organizations applying for permits are now and again faced with requests for expedition overheads.

Organizations likewise deal with high risks of corruption when managing Ghana's public procurement charter. Procurement measures for organizations to obtain government tenders frequently stay impervious. While presenting a quick transport travel framework in 2015, the past government evaded open offering and granted an overinflated contract for the marking of the 116 new transports to Smarty Management and Productions, an organization possessed by Selassie Ibrahim, the spouse of the previous pastor for food and horticulture (Rahman, 2018). It is supposed that Mahatma was purportedly remunerating her for supporting his political race.

Concerning politics and corruption in Ghana, cases, even at the bureau level, have been seen. In the past, politically inspired dismissals or evacuations have been obvious, notably including possible presidential competitors. People with significant influence and their supporters frequently appreciate inescapable exemption (Antwi et al., 2020). Political exploitation continues to be an issue, regardless of legitimate and institutional structures to address it, in addition to dynamic media inclusion and government anti-corruption activities (Bertelsmann, 2018).

The past Mahama-government confronted various high-positioning and exceptionally advertised instances of fraud in office, which formed its civic representation and influenced its collapse. Irritated by financial issues during the most recent years, corruption is by all accounts expanding, and public impression of how cases are managed has been progressively undesirable. Hence, these corruption outrages have debilitated the authenticity of democratic bodies amongst the more extensive masses (Rahman, 2018).

The majority of Ghanaians assume that paying off voters is either not offensive in any way or even if it is wrong, or then there should be no punishment. Essentially, Ghanaians feel that lawmakers ought not to be rebuffed for coordinating improvement ventures toward zones that help them (Bertelsmann, 2018). Purchasing of votes is a typical occurrence, with several people thinking that campaigners from all parties, in this mission as in earlier years, regularly gift voters (Bertelsmann, 2018).

Several anti-corruption bodies have been established with the CHRAJ, leading to consolidation of the duties of the human rights commission, ombudsman, and the anti-corruption agencies under one umbrella (Asamoah & Mensah, 2018). The CHRAJ site consistently refreshes news and occasions identified with fraud cases and offers publications and research on the matter.

It also connects to make three kinds of grievances: discrimination reporting, whistle-blower, and normal. Besides, as per a high court verdict, the ombudsman cannot start its inspection (Asamoah & Mensah, 2018). Someone should submit a question before the ombudsman could start investigations; even though CHRAJ arranges and screens the NACAP, the administration has the lead part as the execution organization (Asamoah & Mensah, 2018). Feeble administrations rises out of the evidence survey as one of the critical driving reasons for corruption. The economic and political changes that diverse political frameworks present, together with the effectiveness and strength of financial, social, and state organizations, shape the conditions for corruption to flourish. Fragile organizations, the absence of political rivalry, and power monopolization manage an excess of prudence.

The indication refers to corruption having a tendency to be particularly predominant in supposed 'neo-patrimonial' frameworks where there is frail partition of the general population and private circles, which brings about the inescapable private apportionment of public assets. Feeble organizations are a critical factor empowering fraud, yet organizations themselves mirror power elements. The primary force dissemination in the political framework and society, and the drawbacks such conveyance offers, shapes how organizations work. That is additionally echoed in the central part of the economic and political elite's play in deciding corruption factors.

The United States of America

Corruption levels in the US are minimal compared to other nations globally. Nevertheless, corruption in the US milieu necessitates scholarly consideration. First, whereas there are fewer corruption cases in America, it is still a subject of concern in existence. Even though quantifying corruption displays a recurrent challenge, researchers usually employ the number of local, state, and federal officers condemned of a federal crime linked to corruption as a commission for corruption itself (Faller, 2015). Over 1000 public officers were imprisoned in 2012 over corruption charges (Faller, 2015); today, the number of state officers suspected or accused is rising.

The political nature of corruption and the essentially political nature of the restructuring course can be exemplified by America's experience in the 19th century. In terms of political structure, Americans perceive partisan democrats to be less corrupt than those in other political parties. Moreover, defendants take more time inspecting accusations on their co-partisans, which is dependable on inspired rational instead of the application of heuristics. Indeed, when supporters assess these accusations, they demonstrate not as much favoritism to co-partisans. Overall, elite nepotism presents a challenge to autonomous liability since residents are inspired to grasp optimistic assumptions concerning officials from their party.

Campaign finance in the United States of America is a crucial area in which instances of corruption often occurs. Campaign finance can be best understood as the financial support that the state government or local levels provide for an electoral campaign. As much as private companies finance most of the electoral campaigns in the United States of America, most campaigns related to running for the presidential office are eligible for public financing.

Many financially stable corporations often directly donate campaign money to specific candidates as much as such actions go against the federal laws and national rules. This very law limits the amount of money that the above corporations should donate towards electoral campaigns. Much of these corporations, however, go on and exceed the above limits by far.

The distinctive features that define electoral campaigns in the United States include parties raising and spending only a small portion of campaign money, interest groups and individuals supplying the bulk of the money raised, and the electoral candidates spending most of the raised money.

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