Kurdistan Autonomous Region: From Repression to Autonomy - Essay Sample

Introduction

With the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003 as well as is the regime, profound changes were exhibited for the Kurdistan Autonomous Region. They have had enjoyed de facto autonomy are within the definition of 36 parallel, with the mission of military intervention in collaboration with forces in 2003 making a turnaround. Consequently, after more than three decades, the Kurdish rulers were now part and parcel of the central government that brought into board the repression experienced by the Kurdish community over decades. The brutality of the Baath party regime was upscaling as in the manifestation of the remains today. Consequently, the use of chemical weapons against the Halabja population in 1998 that resulted to more than 4,000 people being killed was a clear manifestation of Saddams’ annihilation policy against the Kurdistan community (Tomàs, & Villellas, 2009).

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This was eminent as provided by the Kurdistan Regional government that took office in 2003. The current study shall explore the risks and challenges faced by the Kurdistan region in following Iraqi establishment of peace. Since 2003, Kurdistan community has never been left to heal as there have been attacks and clashes between the Shia and the Sunni communities which have been followed by attacks against Christian community by the al-Qaeda, the international troops and the Iraqi army as counter-insurgency. The combination of these powers has resulted to biggest humanitarian crisis globally resulting to over two million refugees in other states such as the Jordan and Syria with many having fled to other parts such as Kurdistan (Tomàs, & Villellas, 2009).

Kurdistan autonomous region is defined as having extremely positive violence. Iraqi is divided into two physically with the administration and institutional structure being part of two opposing parties, the KDP and PUK. With the current violence climate in Iraqi, the authorities are garnering efforts on military security while simultaneously promising economic and social prosperity within the Kurdistan community, creation of the legislative body, institutional bodies, maintain autonomy as agreed in 1991 and come into terms with Baghdad on regional interests. However, Kurdistan community seems to have had hard times with the ruling power with tension already registered following disagreements on the federalism degree in the new Iraqi state, how Kurdistan region allele fits into Iraq and disputes over Iraqi oil among many more.

Of late, there has been high political voltage between the Erbil the capital of Iraqi Kurdistan and Baghdad the state capital. Incidents happening on the ground have caused tension that could be worse, indicating to already putting a hot nail on would since the country is already in an unrest situation (Tomàs, & Villellas, 2009. The main source of conflict in Kurdistan region between the state powers and the Kurdistan region has been tangled between intangible suspicions and tangible factors. The fueling factor of the current relationships manifested by the Arab political elites in Baghdad and the Kurdish region is mistrust and disappointment where the kudus are disappointed and have mutual mistrust.

The Baghdad Arabs and the Kudus share uneasy relations-following heavy confrontations in the 20th century whereby the Arab power attempted to annihilate Kudus has continued to hinder efforts to ease relations. This can be manifested by the portrait of Mustafa Barzani, who is the father of the current ruling leader of Kudu, hangs on the public space of Kurdistan lingering his memory on forever. Following the 2003 events, Kurdistan leaders took the role of shaping new Iraq, resulting in the Kurdish principles complaining regarding the situation that had emerged. The leaders feel they inserted many efforts in creating the new system in the hope that they could enjoy a democratic free nation, but the Kurdistan region has been left out in terms of benefits it deserves(KURDISH HUMAN RIGHTS PROJECT, 2008).

In line with the current Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, who is compared to the former dictator Saddam Hussein due to events such as the sending tankers of the Kurdistan North of Baghdad in 2008 have been held as some of the evidence that the state government has mistreated the Kurdistan region. The Kurdish administration also believes that the Arab elites of Baghdad have mistreated kudus since that backed the return of exiled Nouri-Maliki after the fall of Saddam Hussein. In line with Erbil, Kurds have deserved good treatment by the government of Iraqi, all of which have become a source of tension and argument. Kurdish authorities have cited myriad concrete offences perpetrated against them by the Arab elites of Baghdad (Tomàs, & Villellas, 2009). The central government has also failed to implement the agreed budget while if it delivers, it delivers a partial amount other than the agreed amount.

Also, the KRG is misrepresented at the international meetings which Iraqi takes part as well as ignoring Kurdish leaders such as the Chief of staff of the Iraqi army (KURDISH HUMAN RIGHTS PROJECT, 2008). There have also been misshapes following the role and presence of Peshmergas in the Iraqi army. However, one of the chief disputes between Erbil and the Iraqi central government has been over the question of oil. Baghdad opposed the KRG (Kurdistan Regional Government) decision to grant foreign companies exploration license. According to Baghdad, issuing a license to foreign companies was unconstitutional. Mark, this was the chief source of tension and risk between the two parties.

The occurrence of disputed territories have also seemed a battleground in the Kurdish region. These areas cover extensive land along with the southern limits of the Kurdistan region that extend from Syria to Iran. A report made by KRG’s ministry of Extra-Regional Affairs noted that these “Disputed Regions,” comprise of Wasit (Kut), Nineveh, Kirkuk and Wasit (KURDISTAN REGIONAL GOVERNMENT, MINISTRY OF EXTRA REGIONAL AFFAIRS, 2009). These regions had internal borders, resources, and population experience changes during the Arabization program made by the central government log ago. In line with the KRG, these alterations registered a decrease in Kurdish population in each region, registered new entities and delocalized Turkmen and Kurdish land.

It must be born in mind that whatever source of violence is, the civilians are the worst hit s they are caught up in between the fights of the administration. This is well seen via the 2008 violence that saw the Christian community comprising of Mosul suffer series of attacks leading to migration of more than 5,000 people (INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP, 2009). The violence against Christians has been kept up with the 2009 seeing murder of multiple Christian families along Kirkuk.

Conclusion

Conclusively, Kurdistan community has never been left to heal as there have been attacks and clashes between the Shia and the Sunni communities which have been followed by attacks against Christian community by the al-Qaeda, the international troops and the Iraqi army as counter-insurgency. The combination of these powers has resulted to the biggest humanitarian crisis globally, resulting to over two million refugees in other states such as the Jordan and Syria with many having fled to other parts such as Kurdistan. The Baghdad Arabs seem to have been in tight political voltages with the Kurdistan region which if not attended to could burst into war. The disputed regions are also another risk within the community and need to be revisited for peace to prevail.

References

INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP. (2009) International Crisis Group, Iraq and the Kurds: Trouble Along the Trigger Line, Crisis Group Middle East Report nº 88.

KURDISH HUMAN RIGHTS PROJECT. (2008). A fact-finding mission in Kurdistan, Iraq: Gaps in the human rights infrastructure, KHRP, July 2008.

KURDISTAN REGIONAL GOVERNMENT, MINISTRY OF EXTRA REGIONAL AFFAIRS. (2009). Report on the Administrative Changes in Kirkuk and the Disputed Regions.

Tomàs, N., & Villellas, A. (2009). The Kurdistan autonomous region: Risks and challenges for peace. Quaderns de Construccio de Pau, (8), 1-24.