The legendary saying that arises in this forty-page epilog assails the perception of the barbarian in this famous book. Here, the author argues that the Eurasian wealth and propensity came from enterprise and trade and not from war. He further emphasizes that the Silk Road was not a path connecting the east to the west but an entire economy. As Di Cosmo also suggests seconding Beckwith, the Central Eurasians were not natural warriors despite their military prowess. In this account, attacks by Asians are always because of provocation.
The very region that connects Europe, Asia and Levante is the same point where tectonic plates of our universe meet. It is a constant reminder that this region has suffered from too much history, but one cannot miss the fact that it benefited from too little solid policies. There are too many powers as there are too many countries that converge in this region (Baumer, 2012). It is therefore not clear as to whose economic or strategic policy we may be referring to. For this overwhelming reason, this essay mixes the theoretical analysis of the New Silk Road in the three seas region, with some of the practical questions that can address the needs of the governments and various enterprises in the region.
The Aspen Institute in Romania convenes in a public event known as the Bucharest Forum. In their discussion, during the 2012 edition, as well as in the early 2013 edition, the organizers agreed that the creation of a think tank is of importance. This will focus on the specifics and economic strategies of the region (Baumer, 2012). Eurasias hinge is, in fact, growing with significant emerging opportunities that could mean a lot for its people. The forum is using the New Silk Road as a conduit to measure, align, and influence policies of major private and all public sectors. The New Silk Road offers long-term solutions for peace, security, and economic growth. This is despite the many difficulties and complexities that affect the region.
The launch of the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment partners during the summer of 2013 is a most important development. This is because it will help negotiate trade and investment opportunities east of European Unions current borders (Beckwith, 2011). There is, however, an evident opening between the European Unions economic being there and its capability to manipulate regional outcomes. This proves that its current approaches are shortsighted. What remains evident is Europes leadership crisis. This crisis has given rise to the European growth and employment crisis. Political analysts, however, emphasize that the later is a result of structural imbalances that regards to productivity and competitiveness.
As of early 2014, United States-Europe trade totals stood at more than two billion Euros a day. The investment partnership with Trans-Atlantic Trade can potentially lower costs with hundreds of millions of dollars for industries on either side of the Atlantic. This plan can also generate great amounts of jobs for the unemployed. The European Union now forecasts that its gross domestic product will increase by 0.5% (Hansen, 2012). This free trade area covers one billion people. It will include most advanced technological systems as well as R&D platforms that also exist in major economies.
This does not imply that Russia plays a lesser role after this. It will not play the global spoiler role either as it used to in early times. If it can keep being a bully in its former Soviet territory, this can only backfire (Hansen, 2012). A change in the Russian-EU relations can only emerge if a loss occurs in the strategic hold on EU gas markets and going prices (Hansen, 2012). Together with EUs capability to create the strategic space that Russia needs, the two can facilitate the required reset. The European Union should, however, be careful in doing this so that it does not sacrifice its fundamental objectives. A timing of this collaboration between Russia and Central Asia is the perfect test of Europes stamina and EUs purpose.
The nation, Turkey, is another major and significant player. It is a major economy in the region. This is as clear as its economic growth and spectacular but slow development. The slow development rate is attributable to internal dynamics, failures, and obstacles in its policymaking. This is, however, solvable through new and efficient approaches (Beckwith, 2011). It has after a long period of protests, due to foreign policy misgivings, regained international credibility. Turkeys involvement is only a winning option for both Romania and Europe. Finding the required conditions as well as appropriate language to make Turkeys involvement appealing to the rest is a task that the Bucharest Forum oversees.
The early periods in Beckwiths book saw the rise of empires such as Ottoman, Mughal, Russian, and Manchu. Beckwith takes a speculative stance and backs it up with sufficient evidence in this chapter. The same is likely to remain in our future generations memories when despite the United States being the current World power; other republics shall rise and claim their share in that power.
Empire of the Silk Road is by no means tedious. In spite of its involved details and not so wild digressions, it can be easy to understand to just about anyone. That is if you possess a background in world history and different languages. This two can enable you to cope with the authors mix of grounded contrarianism and speculation. Then you will pass and remain overly entertained by this truthful Eurasian history.
Baumer, (2012). Central Asia. A complete illustrated history. Volume 1. London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd.
Beckwith, C. I. (2011). Empires of the Silk Road: A History of Central Eurasia from the Bronze Age to the Present. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press.
Hansen, V. (2012). The Silk Road: A new history. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
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